PART EIGHT: World Order
CHAPTER XXXI

THE PLAN OF COSMARCHY

A plan for revolutionary change is full of risks. A plan for a world order to follow has to incorporate these risks and add risks of its own. Yet the Kalotic Revolution must drive towards world government. Otherwise intense emotions will be discharged into existing institutions already guaranteed to be unfit, and revolutionary successes will degenerate into squabbling over designs. Wherever one looks, one sees designs for world government executed in detail by persons who have not the slightest notion of how the world will arrive at the point of taking up residency in their dream house.1 On the other side, one sees persons who are convincingly tearful over man's prospects, but who are political onanists that spill their seed upon the ground. These reasons for planning the cosmarchy should be sufficiently persuasive.

The revolution must culminate in a structure that will continuously fulfill its goals. This has been elaborated in the area of toparchy. In the cosmarchy, the same goals also point naturally to the institutions of representative government, in which the principles of dikeos are directly advanced and the principles of emos and pneumos are implied.

World Congress

The general structure for the continuous revolution is depicted in the chart on page 463. The pinnacle of the representative structure of cosmocracy is to be a World Congress (I). Congress chooses a Principal Coordinator (2) (or President) and five General Coordinators (4) (or Vice-Presidents). The salient features of the World Congress are six in number.

Congress is a unicameral assembly of 500 members, serving for three years. This number is the largest that can provide some immediate contact among the diversity of interests that are to be represented in Congress. It is too large to operate without a strong committee structure (3), and strong committees bolster the power and expertness of an assembly in dealing with the other branches of government and the outside world.

A strong committee system governs the Congress, assist the Coordinators and controls the administration. Congress elects the Principal and General Coordinators (Presidents and Vice-Presidents).

The Congress receives one fifth, or 100, of its members from each of five major constituent conformations, all relating ultimately to the public of the world: Regional Assemblies (5); Statal Governments (6); World Functional Association Boards (7); Metropolitan Councils (8); Personal Suffrages (II). Every person in the world over sixteen years of age holds five votes, one for each type of representative.

Members of Congress are formally authorized to act as individuals, but, owing to their manner of selection, their degree of independence from instructions by their constituencies will vary widely with the type of constituency. Especially in the early years of Cosmarchy, members will be directly influenced by their constituents in half the cases.

Congress is also the Assembly of the First Region, and acts as such until a Second Region joins the first. At that point it will become the World Congress and create a First Regional Assembly. Each new regional system can be a replica of the world system as diagrammed on page 463.

Congress is to have limited legislative authority of the same type as that possessed by the assemblies formed according to the standards for kalotic toparchies. Its fundamental limitations are the principles of personal and group autonomy. Its more specific limits are the directives of the Revolution and the principles and structural features that emanate from them. These represent the instructions of world society to Congress. Its Charter and every law enacted by Congress have to be rationalized in terms of them, with minority reports whenever over one-third of its membership votes against a proposal.

The checks against abuses of power by Congress are structural; they are incorporated in the system of its election, the procedures of Congress and the modes of execution of the laws. The principles of toparchic government apply to it. Congress is to be the continuing revolutionary body, kept in motion by the continued force and movement of the sub-groups and revolutionary elite, which cannot be deadened. It is to be a dynamic revolutionary equilibrium.

Regions

Regionalism is increasingly practiced in the contemporary world.

Of twenty-three regional groupings listed in a recent text, only one-the inter-American system-existed before World War II.... Regionalism has recently been called "a halfway house between the nation-state and a world not ready to become one," "the next big step forward in international cooperation," "the most hopeful event in Asia today," and "the only hope of achieving the viability that is essential [in Aferica]." Even General de Gaulle has said that "it is in keeping with the conditions of our times to create entities more vast than each of the European states." The United States, long a supporter of European regional integration and the "switchboard for most of the regional and joint efforts in the free world" in the early 1950's, has publicly committed itself to support of a Latin American Common Market and has revamped its aid program for Africa to emphasize regional cooperation. In the view of one authority, "regionalism can without exaggeration be termed a cornerstone of American foreign policy."2

The cosmarchy can be formed of ten regions, each finally to contain about 400,000,000 people. The regions can correspond generally to the major culture-areas of the world. They are:

  1] The North American Region
  2] The African Region
  3] The Central South American Region
  4] The European Region
      (excepting the communist states of the East)
  5] The Region of Soviet Socialist Republics
  6] The Greater China Region
  7] The Malayan Region (Southern Asia)
  8] The West Pacific Region
  9] The Greater India Region
10] The Middle Eastern Region (Muslim)

Table 3 groups the nations of the world into these ten regions.

Two fifths of the members of the regional assemblies are elected by the existing supreme assemblies of the nations within each region. The Regional Association Boards, Regional Metropolitan Councils, and Regional Publics elect the other three fifths of the members to fill a total of 500 seats. The regional assemblies are the supervisors, through coordinators and committees, of numerous regional functional agencies initiating within the region or established by the World Congress. A country that believes its interest is deeply split between two regions and which in itself does not dominate a majority of seats in any one assembly (Italy or Australia, for example) may divide its representation between two regional assemblies.

The election by the states to their regional assembly and by the regional assemblies to the World Congress will be conducted according to the principle of the limited vote. Each state and member casting a ballot will find his vote for a candidate or candidates limited to the proportion the number of inhabitants in his country bears to the total population of the region and the world, and then divided by the number of candidates he chooses to vote for. Thus the equal-population constituency principle is perpetuated throughout the structure.

1. Source: B. M. Russett, J. Singer, and Melvin Small, "National Political Units in the Twentieth Century," LXII American Political Science Review (1969), pp. 932, 935 ff.

All countries listed are designated as independent except those with the designation (NS) - non-sovereign: Mozambique, Angola, Rhodesia, Hong Kong, Sikkim.

Strong secondary influences are indicated by a double letter, e.g. D-S, ratings, in many cases, are merely suggestive and are subject to continuous revision.

3. Source: U.N.Demographic Yearbook, 1967. Midyear 1967 estimates. All population figures for independent countries include the population of their colonies or trust territories.

4. Source: Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Statistical Office of the UN, Yearbook of National Accounts Statistics 1967 (United Nations, 1968), pp. 832-836, Table 7c. For Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, East Germany, Hungary, and Rumania, Poland the figures were taken from: Soviet Economic Performance 1966-67 (U.S Government Printing Office: Joint Economic Committee, U.S.Congress, 1968), Chapt. 13, p. 119.

5. Source: Compendium of Social Statistics: 1967 (U.N. Publication 67, XVII. 9, 1968). Parentheses indicate percentage based on census figures prior to 1960.

* Based upon The New York Times Almanac, 1972.

6. Source: Bruce M. Russett and Hayward R. Alker, Jr., Karl W. Deutsch, Harold D. Lasswell, World Handbook of Political and Social Indicators (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1964).

7. The calculation of GNP per capita for China comes to such a ridiculously low figure that it had best be omitted, and an additional warning sounded regarding all absolute calculations and comparisons of GNP. (Cf. Chen, infra., pp. 138, 140). Percentage urban given for China as a whole in Nai-Ruenn Chen, Chinese Economic Statistics (Chicago: Aldine, 1967).

8. Source: "Political Development in the Indian States," Myron Weiner, in State Politics in India, Myron Weiner, ed. (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1968), pp. 4, 11. From Weiner are taken the names of the Indian states and their population. The figures for GNP were given in Weiner as per capita income in rupees; the author has converted the per capita income into U.S. dollars at the rate of 4.75 rupees equals one dollar.

The Region will especially represent, besides anything it chooses to represent, the cultural and geo-political interests of the world. It is partially national in its orientation, since it is built upon statal foundations and concentrates group of statal interests. It is partially egalitarian also, since its seats are based roughly upon equal-population proportions and the nations elect members to it by a limited vote based on population proportions. No nation should dominate completely its region, but within every region should be created a genuine federation of two or more entities, even though disproportionate in size. This rule should apply especially to the Soviet Union, whose satellites should be independent within the region, and to the vast Chinese culture-area, that should supply six entities to the cosmarchy, three and parts of two others within the Greater China Region, and one within the Western Pacific Region. The Greater India Region too should contain several autonomous nations, based on linguistic, geographic, and cultural divisions of the sub-continent. In effect, a strengthening of the existing federal conception would entail.

Any region logically can be the first to organize for the new cosmarchy. Given the present situation of world politics where the giant taxocracies and plutocracies operate largely by the brandishing of weapons, it is practical to begin with a great power. For reasons set forth above and below, this power is likely to be a kalotically ruled United States.3

The first, nuclear, basic region can consist therefore of the United States, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, South Korea, "Nationalist" China, Japan, England, Spain, West Germany and Turkey. This group of nations, which faces two large potential regions, China and the U.S.S.R., also fronts upon the dystrocracies of Central-South America, Africa, the Middle East, and the Malayan region.

It contains too many nations for one region. However, as soon as possible, the states within this system that are to belong to other regions will help to establish them. Thus South Korea, Japan, and Nationalist, China will commence their regional government; England, Spain, and West Germany will help set up the European Region; Turkey will begin the experience of Middle East regionalism. Other countries may be substituted for the designated ones, if conditions at the moment of organizing the First Region so require.

The First Region would elect its Congress, which would lay the groundwork for admitting new regions. A Principal Coordinator and his several Associates would be elected. The 15 World Association Boards, which would one day become 15 Local Functional Boards in the larger megarchy, would be set up. Ten World Metropolitan Councils would be organized among the cities of the Region. Kalotic policies for the entire Region would be promulgated.

With the adherence of a Second Region, the Congress of the First Region would become the World Congress. This it would accomplish by three actions; the reduction of all of its memberships (the incumbents of all posts in the chart [nos. 1-19]) in proportions adequate to receive the Second Region members; the incorporation of Second Region officers into the vacated places; reassignment of vacating officers of the First Region to their equivalent posts in the new First Region government. The remaining vacancies in the new First Region and the posts of the Second Region government would be filled by the prescribed election processes.

Upon the formation of the cosmarchy, any nation may adhere to the world government and a region as an Associate Member until its proper region is organized. Greater China, Greater India, and the Soviet Socialist Republics may set up their own independent national entities and thereupon join in the World Government. It should be a rule of the World Government that no member nation of any region should contain over 7% of the world's people (approximately 250 millions in the near future).

Of the several types of constituencies necessitated in the cosmarchy and its regions, the most obvious type at present is the Statal Constituency, which corresponds to the familiar nation-state. There are actually about 150 national entities; many lack a self-identity;4 half of them are small mini-states. Therefore, the smallest states are grouped together or with adjoining larger states into Multi-Statal Constituencies, each with one vote. They may also entrust their representation to a larger state outside of their seemingly appropriate region. If adjustments in representation are needed to maintain the membership at 100, additional small states can be grouped.

There will be a great variation in the willingness with which individual nations approach world government. In some states, small and larger, the notion of nationalism grips peoples' minds tenaciously. Other states will see nothing but good in new arrangements. The actual sacrifice of authority and power to the cosmarchy will be conditioned in some cases by necessity, such as economic dependency, potential disaster, or defeat. In other cases, adherence will follow the realization that a nation can control to some degree the new region and world government and avoid the sense or fact of solitary weakness; they may be impressed by the positive qualities of the Kalotic Revolution; they may embrace the new system out of disbelief in the present great powers in the international sphere. Nations may also accept the cosmarchy without question, as a normal and reasonable procedure at this stage of history. Obviously the universality and compelling quality of propaganda on behalf of kalotic cosmarchy will play a larger part in each national decision. Agitation and organization for the purpose is the task of the revolutionary movement.

Toparchies that are not eligible for membership because of failure to incorporate internally the kalotic principles of the World Constitution should not be admitted, even if willing to join. Their structures and societies should be charged by agitation and propaganda until they are capable of appropriate reorganization. Membership is to be considered compulsory in principle, for what nation, big or small, can rightfully say, "We are not members of the world order." But for those who say "We are members of a world order but not of the World Government," the practical determination of whether membership should be pressed depends upon the kalotic behavior of the independent nation: there should be no derelict precincts outside the limits of World Government, but a fully cooperative state need not join the organization solely to achieve mechanical uniformity.

Functional Constituencies

Already in many respects the functional interests of the world have international ties. The multi-national corporations of the world, that operate in one or more foreign countries, produce in their foreign operations $500 billions of the total world output (GNP) of $1800 billions. This is international coproduction.5

There exist 199 international governmental organizations and 2,134 international non-governmental ones.6 Some writers have hoped that in the trend towards special international bodies dealing with refugees, disaster relief, postal services, shipping, airlines, fisheries, banking, river valleys and many other subjects would be built up a durable basis for world government.7

However, the uncontrolled, more purely political and psychological forces in nations have always been far stronger in crisis, and have demolished readily the many discrete ties. Furthermore, practically all international functional groups catch within their jurisdictions only a small part of a nation's total interest in the same area-in postal services or aviation, for example; hence they are treated in the world arena by their statal agents as only minor appendages of a domestic problem. Nonetheless, if tied into a politically potent structure, functional organization would flourish and contribute increasingly to world solidarity.

To this end one-fifth, or 100, seats in the World Congress and each Regional Congress should be allocated to functional interests. The major interests to be organized for the purpose are the populations engaged in the fifteen categories listed here.

1. Banking, Finance, and Insurance 9. Construction

2. Manufacturing 10. Distribution and Services

3. Communications 11. Health Services

4. Transportation 12. Educational Services
    (includes students over 16)

5. Agriculture 13. Religious Groups

6. Forest Products 14. Mothers and Housewives

7. Fisheries 15. Collected Concerns
    (All others over 16)

8. Mining

The weighting of each interest is defined by the number of people engaged in it and its volume of transactions at the source. (See Chart II). This holds for the allocation of seats in the Congress and in elections to the World Boards. Thus, if its crude petroleum came from Iraqi soil, the total receipts of the Iraqi subsidiary of a foreign company become assignable to that subsidiary for voting purposes along with the number of persons working in the petroleum industry in Iraq.

The basic units of these world-sized constituencies begin to form in the nation-state and proceed outward until there are aggregated fifteen World Association Boards, each with 100 members. The 100 members of each Board are selected by 10 Local Functional Association Boards, each in one of the Regions of the world. The capitals of the World Association Boards are to be located within a radius of 200 miles8 of the longitudinal line of central concentration of the total collected weights to the function.

Everyone in the world has an interest to which he is assigned, or which he chooses if he desires to participate in one role rather than another. Government employees vote in the category with which they are officially concerned; thus, employees of airline authorities vote with the transportation aggregate.

A person first votes for a Local Association Representative from a geographical district. The number of members of each such Local Functional Association Board, of which there are 150 in the world, consists of 100 members, subdivided into the major sub-categories of the major occupation base. Thus, an airline employee will choose among the airline-category nominees for the limited air transportation component of the 100 members of the Transportation Local Functional Association Board for Region 3 (See Chart II).

His Local FA Board will have large powers over functional (transportation) interests in the geographical setting and then will help elect members to the World Association Board. In this election his Board will elect only a fraction of the 100 members of the World Transportation Association Board. The size of the fraction will depend upon the number of voters in his Transportation Region and the value of their product.

Metropolitan Councils

The great cities of the world, taken together with their hinterlands, are an independent representable dimension of the world. Several metropolises within a large country will contain distinct interests and impulses with respect to an international region and the world as a whole. These deserve their own voice. Large cities in this rapidly urbanizing world have a rapidly mounting responsibility for public safety, health services, housing, and education.

Chart 2
HYPOTHETICAL ILLUSTRATION OF THE WORLD FUNCTIONAL STRUCTURE

Each Metropolitan Council contains 100 members, who are elected by popular suffrage in city-centered geographical districts. Each Metropolitan Council elects one member to the World Congress. The Councils perform a number of autonomous functions for the areas and people within their jurisdiction. However, in all of the respects they are subordinate to national states except insofar as a metropolis spreads over more than one country, in which event cooperative devices are used to lend more direction to its development.

Personal constituencies

The final type of constituency of the World Congress and of each regional government is formed directly of persons, all of the world's people, who elect 100 legislators from 100 equal districts. The Public Districts will be large, containing about 40,000,000 persons each. There would be four from the U.S.A., one from each of the larger Western European countries and Brazil, one from a cluster of smaller nations, and so forth. But size does not deprive a constituency of meaning. The elected candidates will bring personal drama into the world arena, hopefully not too much, but enough to allow for the projection of views, aspirations, and traits that are not carried forward by the other devices of representation.

The World Congress apportions Public Seats to the regions, ten on the average. Within each region, they are apportioned by the regional assembly. Election is by majority, through the list system with the single transferable vote. Suffrage is universal after 16 years of age.

Intercameralism

The States, World Association Boards, and Metropolitan Councils will legislate on any matter they believe to require adjustment within their jurisdiction. Such legislation will pass for review to the World Congress. Within 45 days the Congress will pass the legislation back to the assembly with approval or will veto it without redress by two-thirds vote, or will pass it to one or both of the other two types of assembly for approval, or amendment and reconciliation of differing views in a special conference of all three assemblies under the chairmanship of a member of the World Congress. If reconciled and repassed by all assemblies concerned, the legislation goes into effect. The total process can be limited to four months.

Executive Structure

The five types of constituencies not only choose the Congress and act themselves (except in the case of the public-at-large) as governing bodies, but they also name the operating heads of the world agencies that fall within their jurisdiction. Thus the Statal agencies remain the business of the state, under a General Coordinator of Statal Affairs; this official is chosen by the Principal Coordinator and Committee on Statal Affairs of the Congress. He is generally responsible for all concerns of the world government respecting the performance of states with regards to tasks assigned them by the Congress. These will have to do with administration, sub-legislation, courts, finance, and statal armed forces, for whose supervision Assistant Coordinators would be appointed.

The regional assemblies will designate their representatives to the World Congress, legislate for their region, and establish such regional agencies as are required for regional business by world or regional law, appointing their operating heads as needed. These regional agencies, too, will be supervised by a General Coordinator charged with regional affairs and his assistants.

Each World Association Board and each World Metropolitan Council will operate similarly: electing to the World Congress, legislating for local boards or metropolitan governments of its area, and designating the rules for the activities of the agencies that it may specially establish. Each again is supervised by its own General Coordinator and his assistants.

The World Congress elects the Principal Coordinator. It is vital that he be chosen indirectly and for a limited term of six years without the possibility of re-election. If he were to be chosen directly and be accountable to the world public and eligible for re-election, he would within a generation become a world despot. He and his successors would be always in considerable danger of being assassinated; they would draw attention and respect away from other functions and bodies.

Nor should the Principal Coordinator perform tasks that are purely ceremonial and expressive; these would be given over to a ten-member Council of High Commissioners, one elected from each regional assembly from a group of four names supplied to each assembly by the World Congress. The High Commissioners would wield little power; they would act as directed by the World Congress. They would hold office at the will of Congress but for not less than the term of a Congress (three years); thus, they could be used express new currents of opinion flowing through the successive Congresses.

The Principal Coordinator concentrates upon executing the kalotic scheme that is detailed by Congress and its Committees. He names the General Coordinators for the five major constituencies into which the people are divided, choosing one person from a list of four persons presented him for each office by the Committee responsible for the particular constituency's affairs. Thus, the Committee of the World Congress on Association Affairs can hand the Principal Coordinator the names of four persons it deems competent for the duties of General Coordinators of Association Affairs, and he can choose one of them who will serve for the duration of his own term.